Race relations

Upon Datuk Seri Najib Razak becoming the prime minister, Barisan Nasional (BN) component parties MCA, Gerakan and MIC were all quick to express confidence in his leadership and praised his “1Malaysia” concept to foster harmony amongst races.

Credit must be given to Najib for saying the right things, frequently and consistently. He made several walkabouts the day after he became prime minister to meet ordinary folks, taking symbolic strolls across Chinese (Petaling Street), Indian (Brickfields) and Malay (Kerinchi) neighbourhoods.

Najib also made a point to pay tribute to East Malaysians, attending a Kadazan Dusun event in Kuala Lumpur and visiting Sarawak to attend the Gawai Open House celebrations. At the Gawai Open House, he used the opportunity to elaborate that 1Malaysia was not just about racial harmony but also national integration between the peninsula and Sabah and Sarawak. “We only have one dream and that is for Malaysia to be united and have an excellent future,” he said.

While officiating the Kadazan Dusun celebration in KL in early May, Najib said that Malaysians should go beyond the concept of tolerance and strive for acceptance, which would lead to a higher level of understanding in terms of becoming one people.

This articulation of the difference between tolerance and acceptance is a break from the past where polarization was swept under the carpet and the false image of racial harmony was propagated through advertisements and official media channels.

Najib also said 1Malaysia was not just a political statement, but it needed substance. Though he did not say what that substance would be, he did give indications of it throughout his first 100 days in office.

In late April, Najib said that 1Malaysia had something to do with equal opportunity, to provide a fair starting point to those with good potential to obtain government assistance, regardless of race or class. He stressed that every Malaysian eligible for, and in need of, aid would be helped. He said that no one should assume that they were second-class citizens in their own country, an important recognition that the non-Malays had grown to feel that way after nearly four decades of the New Economic Policy (NEP).

Not Malaysian Malaysia
In early May, Najib admitted that his 1Malaysia philosophy had yet to be fleshed out but insisted that it wasn't the equivalent of the Malaysian Malaysia concept promoted by DAP. However, he failed to explain the differences other than to claim that DAP’s concept was not in line with the constitution whereas his version was.

A check on DAP’s website describes Malaysian Malaysia as a concept that forges “a Malaysian race with universal moral values, offering equal access and opportunity, democratic governance and rule of law, creating wealth and distributing wealth equitably, and fighting against corruption”.

To thwart a potential backlash from the Malay community about a concept that promoted equality for all races, Najib in June made it explicitly clear that his 1Malaysia concept does not deviate from the essence of the Federal Constitution, whether expressed or implied.

Conversion

On April 23, it was announced that the Cabinet had decided that in cases where one parent converts to Islam, the children would retain the original faith of their parents during the civil marriage and would not have to follow the religion of the converted parent.

De facto law minister Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz was not vague in explaining what the Cabinet had decided. He said that in the case when the spouse converts, the conversion will not be retrospective, meaning that the change in religion cannot be used as a means to escape alimony or custody rulings ordered by a civil court.

When parliament convened in mid-June, Nazri said the government was in the process of amending three laws relating to religious conversion and it aims to table the amendments in the current parliament session.

But the Conference of Malay Rulers put a halt to the tabling of the bills relating to the conversion issue, a decision made much to Nazri's disappointment. No one, however, can blame or accuse the government for the delay.

Meritocracy
The most concrete manifestation of Najib’s 1Malaysia concept was his announcement in late June that the government plans to introduce a purely merit-based public scholarship by next year.

Najib also touched on business quotas, a central plank of the NEP. He went as far as to say that he believed business quotas had to go. Najib said the new policy would remove the obstacles to doing business and address the complaints from the Chinese community about government policy and implementation. He added the government understood the need to address the concerns of the Chinese community, especially in areas such as education, the economy, religion and the rising crime rate, in order to regain their confidence.

No honeymoon
Although 1Malaysia has been pooh-poohed by the opposition and by detractors as feel-good sloganeering, Najib has been consistent in emphasizing his message throughout his 100 days.

Unfortunately for Najib, he was saddled with the baggage from Pak Lah’s legacy as someone who “cakap tak serupa bikin”, which made it doubly hard for him to convince the public he’s a prime minister for all Malaysians.

Nevertheless a public opinion poll conducted by Merdeka Center shortly before the end of the first 100 days showed that his approval rating had risen to 65%, a marked improvement over the 41% he had received prior to assuming office. It seems his 1Malaysia approach has worked for him after all.

Read Pt 1 of Najib's 100 days: on leadership

Read Pt 2 of Najib's 100 days: on economic reforms

Read Pt 3 of Najib's 100 days: on foreign relations